By Francis Wache
Mr Ni John Fru Ndi is, incontestably, the leader of Cameroon’s opposition. He leads the Social Democratic Front, SDF, Cameroon’s indisputable frontline opposition party. Other serious so-called opposition parties have either petered out or joined ranks, in return for ministerial lollipops, with the ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement, CPDM.
This year’s presidential election will be the last for Fru Ndi. He said so himself. That is why he must give it all it takes. But, Fru Ndi, in giving his best, must also bring along like-minded political parties. It would be suicidal for him to go solo.
What should he do?
In terms of ideology, the SDF and the CPDM are diametrically opposed. For someone, like Kum, who has held important positions in the SDF, to become a turncoat overnight and glibly join a party he excoriated not too long ago speaks volumes about the genuine commitment of those within the core of the party. This, indeed, is sheer political prostitution.
Sadly, Kum’s ilks are legion in the SDF, particularly those hovering around the party leader, Chairman Ni John Fru Ndi. They should be neutralised now before they wreck irreparable damage on the fate of the party – and the country – at this crucial moment. It is now obvious that hypocritical henchmen and self-seeking impostors and hero-worshippers do not only exist within the CPDM. They, too, are a reeking presence in the SDF. The Chairman needs to urgently break loose from their debilitating stranglehold.
Columnist Clovis Atatah argues –cogently – about an imperative coalition in a piece titled Achieving An 11th Hour Opposition Coalition. He goes further to present various scenarios for speedily putting up such a coalition. I strongly recommend the article to the opposition in general and the SDF in particular.
Extend Olive Branch To Former Comrades
The next thing the Chairman needs to do urgently is stretch an olive branch to his comrades who broke ranks and parted company. They include Justice Nyoh Wakai, a brittle legal mind with an unflappable composure and sangfroid. Andrew Akonteh, whose flair for mobilisation and vigilance is unparallel.
There is Ben Muna, whose ability to rally and assemble political stakeholders, as demonstrated when he was serving the SDF, was legendary in 1992. Maidadi, too, is a juggernaut. Besides his tenure as a one-time SDF Vice Chair, he could lead the coalition troops in his native North Province.
Professor Tazoacha Asonganyi: he is the only one who has left the SDF and has neither joined a party nor created one. He is a determined, dedicated and devoted votary for change. As Secretary General of the SDF, he was selfless and focused. When it came to defending party positions he was adamant and steadfast. He has not changed. Now, he operates as a civil society activist. He could be invited to join in chasing the kite before blaming the hen.
There are a host of others.
Although the differences may be deep-rooted, we are told that in politics, every thing is possible. Conscious, therefore, of the fact that nothing is impossible, the Chairman, acting like the senior brother must take the initiative and rally the troops. It will not be an easy task. But it is a task that must be done. At least, Fru Ndi should be seen to have tried.
Also, the Chairman, by virtue of his position as the opposition leader, must stretch his hand of fellowship to other candidates – both those who were qualified to run and those who were disqualified. Except for those parties which are glaring surrogates or satellites of the CPDM, every voice counts. Even within CPDM ranks, there is disaffection. A coalition could lure those youths who were disillusioned with decisions at the 3rd Ordinary Congress to seek new avenues.
The SDF is privileged because it has worked with most of the candidates before. For instance, Garga Haman Adji threw his weight behind Fru Ndi in 1992. He speaks about that event and period with pride. He can still be convinced to join the battle for change. Unfortunately, the iconoclastic Garga is quite opinionated and enjoys the reputation he has cultivated as a free thinker and a loner. He will have to be discouraged from that stance.
Jean Jacques Ekindi has supported the SDF before. He can still do that now. Ekindi enjoys the popular adulation as the “Lion hunter”, referring to his 1992 campaign when he used his superb oratorical skills to give Biya a run for his money in his bid to retain Etoudi. Ekindi is a great communicator, no doubt, but he can be convinced to use those skills in achieving a bigger cause rather an ego- pampering trip.
Other opposition leaders who have worked closely with the SDF include Hameni Bieleu. As a defence expert, he could devise protective approaches to shield opposition monitors, say, from harassment, intimidation and molestation. The other candidates who were rejected should also be wooed. The maverick Mboua Masok, the legendary organiser of the Ghost Towns operations is a diehard supporter for change. So, too, is Charly Gabriel Mbock.
According to the recent revelations by Wikileaks, Betis and Anglo-Bamis are ruled out of succeeding Biya. And, so, where do they stand in the present dispensation? Because of that kind of stark discrimination they are potential fodder for the coalition mill. Above all, in the search for a coalition, Betis must not be ostracised. They must be told, repeatedly, that this is not a battle against Biya as a Beti. Rather, it must be drummed into their heads and made abundantly clear that it is a war against Biya as the incarnation of an anti-people system.
Besides these, there are a host of others waiting to be enlisted. It’s simply a matter of bringing all hands on deck. For argument’s sake, let us imagine that Fru Ndi had teamed up with Bello Bouba in 1992. They would have beaten Biya. Fru Ndi had 35 percent and Bello Bouba had 17 percent while Biya scored 39 percent.
The Anglophone Democratic Legacy
Anglophones are wont to say that they, unlike their Francophone brothers, received a superior colonial legacy in terms of democracy from the British. This is the time to test that assertion. They are five Anglophones in the race for Unity Palace.
Ben Muna is one of them. He experienced – live - and at close quarters, the halcyon days of multiparty politics in West Cameroon. He must recall, for instance, that, despite his late father’s political vicissitudes – with Endeley, Foncha, Jua and scores of other political contemporaries – things never deteriorated to personal animosities. Cautious camaraderie was the name of the game. Ben Muna, given his background and experiences, especially in engineering the Coalition for Change in 1992, should, therefore, participate in and even spearhead the current search for an opposition coalition.
Justice Paul Ayah has proven, as they say in his professional jargon, “beyond reasonable doubt,” that he is a man of substance. Or, as they put it commonly in neighbouring Nigeria, that he is “a man of timber and calibre.” Ayah distinguished himself when, in 2008, he swam against the tide and, as lone voice within the Soviet-style CPDM ranks, objected to the revision of the Constitution. He later publicly wore his badge of courage when he resigned from the CPDM. The rest is history.
Kah Walla, the female Anglophone, has interacted with opposition circles for long. As the Chair of the SDF’ Strategic Committee, she was instrumental in putting in place measures to countervail those implemented by the regime. She is, therefore, in a good position to strategise on how, for instance, to dismantle the entrenched rigging machinery. Fortunately, she is still heart and soul SDF. When she resigned from the party, the marriage was never, thank God, damaged irreparably. She should, thus, not be reluctant about going back to the drawing board.One thing she must remember, though: the time is not only now to bring about change in Cameroon, but to do this by building bridges for a coalition.
And, finally, Dr George Nyamndi. He is the Anglophones’ Anglophone. He epitomises Anglophones who, as a minority, must strive to integrate themselves by acquiring the language – and culture – of the majority Francophones.
Nyamndi’s French is impeccable. He would be an asset in an opposition coalition where, when linguistic cacophony or gymnastics crops up, his mastery of English and French would be handy to elucidate any ambiguities. Nyamndi is an enthralling and smooth speaker. But, then, seducing the electorate with captivating eloquence cannot, by itself, be a presidential political ambition.
Act Now
This is not the time for Fru Ndi to linger in Ntarinkon. Rather, it is the moment for him to pick up his pilgrim’s staff and swing into action, and, as a senior brother of sorts, cajole, coerce and convince his ‘junior siblings’ that the only way to wage a meaningful battle is through a genuine coalition. What should buoy his steps as he trudges throughout the country is the naked truth that this is his last time. Either now or never.
History calls. Patriotism beckons. The crying need of a virile opposition makes a coalition mandatory. Urgent moments call for urgent actions. This is an urgent moment. Fru Ndi should act now. Fru Ndi’s position dictates it. Time is running out – fast.
A thought provoking and a skillfully written article by Mr Wache.As a keen observer of the political evolution of Cameroon,i genuinely think the opposition can keep aside their differencesand act for the interest of the nation through a coalition as tactfully suggested by the writer.The time to act is now.Long live Cameroon.
Posted by: Eprika Mouris | Monday, 26 September 2011 at 01:41 AM